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Referanda to the rescue?, Waiting for Whately and actioning ESG

Policy preview: referanda to the rescue?
Planning reform has long been seen as a bugbear for the Conservative Party. Even the current government, with its 80-seat majority, has faced calls to water-down its proposals in the aftermath of June’s Chesham & Amersham by-election attenuated concerns that housing reform could erode support from the traditional Conservative base, homeowners.

The Labour Party has attempted to seize on this, arguing that Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s tax increase puts the burden to fund social care on workers rather than on homeowners. Nonetheless, we noted in our 23 June Horizons newsletter that we expected Johnson to push ahead with the core of these reforms despite that shock result with the Liberal Democrats overturning a 16,000 majority.

Johnson and Housing Secretary Robert Jenrick, however, have faced grumbling from the backbenches, including from former prime minister Theresa May over the planning reforms. Yet some of these same backbenchers may have picked up on a solution that allows Johnson to avoid risking a major rebellion. MPs are expected to introduce a private members bill that would give local communities a vote on housing in their area, including approving density plans and style guides.

The policy, known as ‘Street Votes,’ is the brainchild of the Policy Exchange and Create Streets think tanks and aims to challenge the perception that new developments are aesthetically, and economically, unpleasing to suburban residents while also enabling those rural residents to protect green spaces even when their local authorities aim to increase the housing stock.

Whether such a policy could be successful remains to be seen. Advocates such as Sam Bowman of the US’ International Center for Law and Economics argue that it provides the optionality necessary to have a ‘bottom-up’ approach while allowing the political hurdles, at both a parliamentary and local level, to be overcome by residents keen on raising the value of their neighbourhood. They point to similar proposals in Seoul and Tel Aviv that saw new housing approvals jump by as much as 50%.

Incorporating the Street Votes proposals into the government’s own legislation may well bring it sufficient votes to avoid a substantial rebellion. It may also bring in some Labour votes for Johnson’s housing plans and planning reforms, a situation Johnson has thus far been keen to avoid least he be seen to be dependent on Labour votes to pass them.

The Smart Votes system remains untested, and it will seem unnatural to many UK political observers that referenda, even of the hyper-localised variety, could be the panacea to some of its mot lasting political disputes. Politically, however, it offers the Johnson government the potential to declare victory on passing its reforms while deflecting responsibility for any eventual housing -target shortfall.

“Maybe this referendum will be the beginning of a trend” Former UKIP and Brexit Party leader Nigel Farage

Power play: waiting for Whately

The UK government is staking a great deal of political capital on its recently announced reforms for adult social care. Prime Minister Boris Johnson has gripped the ‘third rail of British politics’ by trying to tackle the issue, but the government could be damaged if the controversial policy is a damp squib.

Helen Whately, Minister for Social Care, will be responsible for driving and delivering the reforms. Funded by a rise in national insurance contributions and dividend taxes raising £12bn annually, the government will initially attempt to clear the pandemic-induced NHS backlog.

After three years of increased funding for the NHS, the extra cash will supposedly be diverted from the NHS and re-allocated to the social care system. If, of course, reducing funds to the NHS doesn’t prove too politically challenging.

With a political bid to prevent care users needing to sell their homes or other financial assets to fund their social care, the government has proposed a (means-tested) cap on the lifetime costs of social care of £86,000 from October 2023.

However, it is not yet clear exactly how or why the reforms will make the social care system. The political difficulty that has surrounded the issue for decades has largely been a matter of funding, and it is this area that was covered in most detail by last week’s announcement

There is still more to come in the way of solutions for how the government plans to tackle some of the underlying problems that the social care sector faces. Identified in Department for Health & Social Care’s white paper this February, these issues include insufficient integration with the NHS, too much bureaucracy and a need for more accountability in the system.

The government’s new plan includes provisions for more training and support for care workers, but detail on how it will address these issues is thin on the ground, with another white paper setting out further detail promised in due course. Social care providers such as Four Seasons Health Care have already criticised the plan as being too little too late, calling on the government to make the necessary reforms to help support staff as soon as possible.

Though the reforms have not been universally popular, they have not torpedoed the Conservative’s polling in the manner that Theresa May’s social care proposals did in 2017. Once the impact of NIC increase starts to bite, pressure will be on for the government and for Whately to show that their reforms are having a real effect.

“We have a social care crisis right now, and it can’t wait to for people to draft [a promised white paper], and then delay any funding and any staffing changes for another two years.”

Jeremy Richardson, Four Seasons Health Care CEO

Dollars and sense: actioning ESG
It is not too often that international bond markets have to think about NGO’s. That is not to say it is unprecedented for them to do so – 25 years ago the International Monetary Fund and World Bank launched the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative following sustained pressure from the Jubilee Debt campaign and associated activist groups. HIPC today remains a key structure of emerging market debt markets, enabling many more countries, including debuts well into the bottom rungs of the credit rating spectrum, to issue international debt.

The sale of so much debt by low-income countries and companies in poorly regulated markets has often raised concerns about how they should be treated for investors seeking to put climate change concerns and environmental, social and governance (ESG) principles at the heart of their investing strategy. The credit investment industry is being slowly transformed by ESG investing, with so-called ‘green bonds’ now often trading at a premium. This makes green debt in theory cheaper, and therefore a market structure to promote the very ESG principles they encompass.

However, concerns about ‘greenwashing’ remain. If the recent trend for ESG investing does translate to a sustained premium, this risks major losses for creditors holding debts that are later revealed not to be as rooted in ESG as initially premised.

Given that similar concerns about morality in investing and the potential for economic growth to be more equitable globally prompted the HIPC initiative – which enables countries below a certain income level to receive special assistance from the IMF and World Bank – it is not too surprising that once again the voices of NGO’s are being heard on ESG investing.

Already there is evidence that they may be having an impact. In March of this year, the Nature Conservancy announced it was launching a programme to work with coastal nations to protect their waters, ‘Blue Bonds for Ocean Conservation’. The effort attempts to combine the twin realities that it is difficult for maritime nations to resist exploiting their waters’ wealth with the reality that debt countenancing ESG principles is cheaper for issuers.

The Nature Conservancy said that it was inspired to launch the programme by work it had done with the Seychelles government to restructure $22 million in its debts in 2016, but it is now set to face its first major market test. The government of Belize has announced its intent to restructure its debt – following two defaults in recent years – in a deal backed by the Nature Conservancy and its key creditors. Under the Blue Bonds programme, Belize will repurchase $530 million in dollar bonds for just over US$290 million. Investors see a gain to the 60% discount the debts had been trading at, while Belize reduces its debt burden substantially. In exchange it agreed to fund a $23.4 marine preservation endowment and the new debt provided by Credit Suisse to finance the repurchase will be subject to Belize continuing to honour certain ESG commitments. The deal has until 19 November to be approved by 75% of bondholders.

Bringing together international institutions, NGOs and bond markets proved an effective way to fund emerging markets growth with the HIPC initiative. The Nature Conservancy programme may just have established a template for ensuring that ESG principles remain a sustained, not fleeting, feature of funding this growth.

“A debt is just the preservation of a promise” David Graeber, Author of Debt: The First 5,000 Years

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Poll tax, redux? Much ado about Chesham and Amersham and a Swiss family affair

Dollars and sense: Much ado about Chesham and Amersham
“Like one that draws the model of a house, beyond his power to build it; who, half through,, gives o’er and leaves his part-created cost, a naked subject to the weeping clouds, and waste for churlish winter’s tyranny” William Shakespeare

The Chesham and Amersham by-election raises serious questions for the future of the Conservative Party’s planning and homebuilding policy. The Liberal Democrats’ overturning of a 16,233-vote majority on a campaign built off of local opposition to new house construction and the HS2 high-speed rail line (despite the party backing both on a national level) highlights just how salient such issues are in the Conservatives’ ‘Blue Wall’. British by-elections are renowned for producing shock results, but they often belie the state of national politics.

The Chesham and Amersham vote is one such result. While suburban London and much of the home counties are undoubtedly fertile ground for Liberal Democrats, tactical voting – which saw the main opposition Labour Party win just 600 votes – is far less common during general elections. A so-called ‘Lib-Lab’ coalition has never seriously manifested itself, least of all at election time, despite repeated efforts.

As a result, papers are aflutter with talk of whether Prime Minister Boris Johnson will reverse his proposed planning bill and other manifesto commitments aimed at increasing the number of new homes built by 300,000 a year. Many Conservative party stalwarts have proposed just that, and some MPs such as Theresa May, Johnson’s predecessor as prime minister have been pushing for such a reversal since well before the by-election was called.

The crux of the matter is the fact that Britain’s strict planning permission requirements – while ostensibly aimed at sustaining greenbelts, protecting architectural heritage, and providing local communities with democratic input over their own development – are also a key driver of house price appreciation. The Conservatives traditionally do far better in areas with high home ownership, with Labour’s strength historically in urban areas with high rent share.

However, the fate of the ‘Red Wall’ should cast doubt upon these assumptions. Home ownership rates are fairly high in the north-east seats where the Conservatives saw such success in 2019. House prices are crucially far lower than in the area around London, but the price differential was far smaller during Labour’s heyday under Tony Blair even as home ownership rates were broadly similar to their present levels. House price decreases in northeast can in part be attributed to low population growth compared to the rest of the country, driven by employment decreases.

New home construction in areas where population has increased may decrease the rate of house price appreciation, but the north-east demonstrates this does not spell doom for Conservative hopes. As the population grows elsewhere, new homes will have to be constructed to eventually bring more voters onto the property rolls. Expect Johnson to continue with his planning reforms – it would not be the first time he has discarded the advice of May and her ilk.

Policy Preview: Poll tax, redux?
“The increase in the value of land, arising as it does from the efforts of an entire community, should belong to the community and not to the individual who might hold title” John Stuart Mill

Planning policy is not the only significant change to the UK’s housing and property market that has been in the public debate in recent months. Property tax change proposals have been bandied about at a rate not witnessed since 1991, when the ‘poll tax’ was withdrawn in the face of significant public opposition just a year after its introduction, helping to end Margaret Thatcher’s prime ministership along the way.

The 2019 Conservative manifesto raised the spectre of such a change in its call to “redesign the tax system so that it boosts growth, wages and investment and limits arbitrary tax advantages for the wealthiest in society”. Council tax are among the most tangible example of such policy to many voters: the four lowest council tax rates are all found in central London while the highest rates are found in far less wealthy, and even relatively impoverished, areas. For example, Hartlepool, which the Conservatives won in a by-election in May for the first time, has the fourth highest council tax rate despite being the 11th most deprived area in England.

Given the Conservative shift to the north, and the aim to solidify the former Red Wall as a new Tory heartland, it is therefore no surprise that Bright Blue, an independent think tank advocating an agenda of liberal conservatism, in late May published a report declaring an ‘annual proportional property tax (is) the best system for levelling up the country,” employing Downing Street’s favoured phrase for its Northern-friendly policies.

Bright Blue is by no means alone in calling for such a system, which will be familiar to American readers, in which property taxes are directly tied to the value of a home. The present council tax system was also meant to partially take home value into consideration, hence its ‘bands’ but the valuations were set in 1991, where they remain frozen (except in Wales), and rates for bands are directly tied to one another.

Numerous Labour MPs have called for a proportional property tax, and even making the tax payable by the home owner (council tax is paid by residents, including renters, rather than home owners) as has former Liberal Democrat leader Sir Vince Cable.

While the government sets thresholds for council tax increases, policy is otherwise left largely to the councils themselves. Recent Conservative governments have increased local tax authorities’ powers by also expanding the ability of local councils to retain tax on local businesses for local spending, part of its devolution agenda.

It is this policy that one should expect to be reversed. Johnson may well look to have the government redirect funds raised from business rates tax to fund his levelling up agenda. A tax on commercial land tied to its value is also a serious possibility. But the backlash that would result from a proportional residential property tax in the ‘Blue Wall’ would provoke a backlash that would risk escalating the post-Chesham and Amersham Conservative squabbles into a potential re-run of the party’s poll tax crisis. It shall not pass.

Power play: a Swiss family affair


“The best inheritance a father can leave his children is a good example”

John Walter Bratton

The Swiss Federal Council’s decision in late May to abandon negotiations with the European Union over a new framework agreement to replace the dozens of treaties that currently facilitate Swiss access to the single market, and EU citizens’ right to seek employment in Switzerland among other matters, was the result of years of strained negotiations. Yet it marks the crowning achievement of one man, long the eminence grise of Swiss politics, Christoph Blocher.

Blocher is a unique political figure, in a unique political system. While UK audiences may see commonality between his Euroscepticism and his right-wing Swiss People’s Party’s rhetoric and the role that Nigel Farage has played in UK politics over the last 20 years, Blocher’s role in reshaping Swiss politics goes far beyond. Although he only ever sat on Switzerland’s seven-member Federal Council, the executive government body in the country, for one four-year term from 2003 to 2007, in Europe only Germany’s Angela Merkel and Hungary’s Viktor Orban have spent a comparable amount of time at the pinnacle of national politics.

Blocher is arguably even more controversial than Farage. His narrow 2003 election to the Federal Council over incumbent Ruth Metzler marked the first time an incumbent member was not re-elected since the 19th century, breaking Switzerland’s tradition of amicable cross-party politics. The second, and final time, a councillor has failed to secure election came when Blocher himself was ousted four years later when other parties placed a cordon sanitaire over his candidacy although his Swiss People’s Party (SVP) won a record number of seats in the National Council, the lower house of the Swiss parliament.

Notably, Blocher has never formally headed the SVP. Though it split in 2007 when another party member accepted a seat on the council in Blocher’s stead, and again a few years later, the SVP has remained the largest party in Swiss politics by some margin ever since.

At 80, with the idea Switzerland would inevitably be drawn closer to the EU now firmly in the rear-view mirror, Blocher has indicated he may be ready to give over the reigns of the party he has never officially led. The party’s current president, Marco Chiesa, is another figurehead and not the likely heir.

Instead, his daughter Magdalena Martullo-Blocher, a SVP representative in Parliament, is his heir apparent. There is already precedent for such a succession, she took ownership of chemicals firm Ems-Chemie decades ago as her father entered politics, and formally succeeded him in 2008. She has clearly had success, with Bloomberg estimating her to be worth $8.6 billion, a gargantuan fortune even by Swiss standards. Despite unconvincing denials of any such interest by father and daughter, Martullo-Blocher will seek an even more commanding role atop Swiss politics than her father ever held.

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